[1] Census (1952), p. 15.
[2] Meek (1931) Vol. 1, pp. 532-3.
[3] Ibid., p. 533, & Meyer (1939), p.2.
[4] Meyer (1939), pp.1-52; (1940 a) pp.117-148; (1940 b), 210-231.
[5] Meyer (1939), p. 4.
[6] Greenberg (1950), p.396.
[7] Meyer (1939), p.4 "Die Mambilasprache zerfallt in eine betrachtliche Anzahl cinzelner Dialekte, die in Vortschatz und in der Grammatik stark von einander abseichen."
[8] Census (1952), pp. 26-7.
[9] To the best of my knowledge this census is unpublished. It was made available to me by the French Administrative Officer at Banyo, the headquarters of the District in which the Mambila live.
[10] Meek (1931) Vol. 1 p.534.
[11] Carpenter (1933), unpublished.
[12] Newton (1936), unpublished.
[13] Census (1953), p. 7.
[14] Meek (1931), Vol. 1. p. 534.
[15] Meek (1931), Vol. 1, p.532.
[16] Meek, Ibid.
[17] Percival (1938). Unpublished.
[18] McCulloch, et al. (1954), p.12.
[19] I was told by 2 Kaka informants from Mbem (a Kaka village) that the Mambila political system was similar to their own.
[20] According to Kaberry the men of the Mbem and Mbaw Native Authorities do more work on the farms that is the case for the men in other areas of Bamenda Province. Kaberry (1952), p.55.
[21] Dugast (1949), p.132.
[22] Meek (1931), Vol. 1. p. 534.
[23] Ibid. p. 535.
[24] Ibid Vol. 11, p.551.
[25] Ibid. Bol. 11, pp. 564-5.
[26] Percival (1938), Unpublished. "...As to the Fulani invasions, it seems likely, not only on general impressions, but also from Mambila genealogies and from the names of Fulani chiefs involved, that they did not begin until 1875 or later....." Percival refers only to the Mambila Plateau.
[27] Percival (1938), Unpublished.
[28] 18 to 24 days trek during the rainy season and from to 10 to 14 days during the dry season when a car or lorry may be driven down as far as Serti. There are no roads in the Mambila District.
[29] D.H. means District Head.
[30] Cameroons Annual Report (1953), section 257, p.63.
[31] E. Ardener, an anthropologist, who has been conducting research on the labour force employed by the Cameroons Development Corporation, informed me that there are approximately 20 labourers working for the Corporation and for Elders & Fyffes Ltd., who are listed as being of Mambila origin. Unfortunately no information is availableas to their provenance. I suspect that they came from Bamonda Province or the French Cameroons rather than from Adamawa for, if any Adamawan had emigrated to the South, I should have been likely to hear of it.
[32] Rizga is a Hausa term used by the Mambila for a small edible tuber. The botanical term is Coleus Dazo.
[33] Agushi is another Hausa term used by the Mambila, this time referring to a melon whose botanical name is Citrulus Vulgaris.
[34] Irvine (1950), p. 273.
[35] Males make only the carrying straps for the large baskets.
[36] Children of either sex operate the bellows. All other smithing work is done by males.
[37] A task which women are ritually prohibited from performing.
[38] Boys act as beaters. Girls play no part in hunting.
[39] He is atypical in other respects in being the only Muslim in the village. His father was captured by the Fulani and taken to Banyo many years ago. He wa brought up there and acquired many Fulani habits. The reason that he gives for refusing to farm is that he, like the Fulani, is not strong enough for this kind of work.
[40] The Man is a local kindred residing in the hamlet. The structure of the group will be discussed later.
[41] I am using the term "corporate" in the same way as does Radcliffe-Brown. he says: "A group may be spoken of as 'corporate' when it possesses any one of a certain number of characters: if its members, or its adult male members, or a considerable proportion of them, come together occasionally to carry out some collective action - for example, the performance of rites; if it has a chief or council who are regarded as acting as the representatives of the group as a whole; is it possesses or controls property which is collective, as when a clan or lineage is a land-owning group. "Radcliffe-Brown & Forde (1950), p. 41. Bohannan (1953), pp. 27, 69-73.
[42] Exchange marriage is discussed in Chapter Four. This type of marriage is now prohibited by the Administration.
[43] Bohannan (1953), pp. 27, 72-3.
[44] By fission, I mean the process by which Memin divides into two separate and distinct groups.
[45] The genealogies of all the six Man in Warwar were collected. The two given are typical. The genealogies of two Man in the village of Kabri and one in Mbamga were also collected and showed no major variations.
[46] "Kassala" means hamlet head in Mambila. The term is derived from the Fulfulde term "Kachalla", meaning chief slave. Hamlet organization will be discussed later.
[47] The Mambila differ from many peoples in that to use an abbreviated form of the personal name, either in direct address or reference, is a sign of respect.
[48] The term "personal kindred" has been adopted from Leach. He has used the term in his description of Land Dayak social organization, to refer to the individual's significant bilateral kin group. Leach (1950), p. 69. It is in order to emphasize the relativity of the group that he adds the adjective "personal" to the commonly used "kindred". Ibid. p. 62. It is also for this reason that I have chosen to use the term.
[49] Meek (1931), Vol. I, p. 537.
[50] Meek (1931), Vol. I, p. 538.
[51] In one case a man with 2 wives had them residing in 2 adjoining compounds; his was said to be a temporary measure; he was going to build a new house for his second wife so that both would be living in the same compound.
[52] A sketch map of 2 compounds and the genealogies of the inhabitants is given at the end of this section.
[53] 1931 Vol. 1, p. 561.
[54] M.G. Smith says of the Hausa: "Hausa kinship is markedly bilateral - that is, traced through persons of either sex - both in terminology and behaviour." Smith (1954), p. 21.3) Goodenough (1955), p. 80.
[55] "The Land Dayak whose local organisation resembles that of the Mambila in many respects, also do not call out the name of the ancestors to whom they are sacrificing, for the same reason as given by Mambila informants." Geddes (1954), p. 26.