Ethnographics Gallery University of Kent

Turkish Village

Copyright 1965, 1994 Paul Stirling. All rights reserved.

Paul Stirling
CHAPTER SEVEN

THE DOMESTIC CYCLE

previous page

Page 136


that in thedays before and immediately after the establishment of the Republic highwaymen were common. Indeed, some villagers cheerfully told me of their own exploits. Grain for the local market presumably moved under convoy, which made it difficult for the small producer to sell except to dealers in the village. The tax farmers, for example, bought surplus grain from the villagers, a system which would hardly make for an advantageous deal for the villagers. Mumtaz Turhan reports from his own village in eastern Turkey (Turhan (1951) p. 95) that cash cropping of cereals was regarded as dishonourable. In my area it was not that marketing was dishonourable but that it was limited to the well-to-do with surpluses large enough to justify the trouble involved.

In general, therefore, no household could cultivate more than a certain amount, and only prosperous households tried to produce more than enough for their own needs.

As sons reached maturity the household was able to expand its land holding. This would make possible, and require, an increase in its animal population as well. Thus the wealth controlled by the head increased, the surpluses produced by each constituent element were pooled in his hands, and the whole unit benefited by efficiency in proportion. The head might well join the village leaders (a§alar ) or even become the most influential among them. At this point the marketing of grain would be both possible and worthwhile. Yet on his death, each son would inherit only approximately as much land as he himself had been ploughing. Every new household, born out of the splitting of a large one, would thus start with roughly the same amount of land, whether it sprang from a household with only one male heir, or one with ten. Each young household head would depend on his own procreative prowess, skill, hard work and luck to build for himself a position of prominence in his later years. Even in cases where the son of an eminent father himself became eminent, the son did not succeed to his father's position, but built up a new one for himself, after an interregnum filled by households of other village lineages. Few could succeed completely in the face of illness, premature deaths, infertility, crop failures, animal diseases and other hazards. If this model had ever functioned uncomplicated by other factors, then it would have corresponded to the ideal

next page
Contents Page