With these exceptions almost all marriages were within the range of five hours' walking distance, and roughly, the closer the villages the more numerous the marriages between them. For Sakaltutan the two villages within half an hour provided strikingly more than any others. But for remoter villages once close contact is established further marriages may result. For example, Sakaltutan and Kölete, to which agnates of a village lineage (K) had moved two generations before, were tied by more marriages than other closer pairs of villages (Fig. 2).
West of Sakaltutan lay a group of villages whose marriage customs were based on those of Kayseri. These villages contained some people of more education and they spoke scornfully of the area round Sakaltutan as köy, village. Their women were more formally polite, and expected more comfort and less hard work. No respectable family in these villages would permit a girl to marry to the köy, and no woman would consent to such a drop in standards. Hence marriage ties with these villages are very rare, and where they occur, they consist either of marriages with less respectable women from these villages (there are no recent instances of this), or of cases where men of Sakaltutan had moved to their wives' village. Such marriages do not result in active affinal relations.
The distribution chart for Elbashï is less tidy. A few households are more sophisticated and wealthy than any in Sakaltutan. These, and also a few of the poorer households with portering or other connections with Kayseri, contracted marriages further afield than any people in Sakaltutan. The fifteen refugee households from eastern Turkey, beginning with no established local social links, and no resources, had to find wives as best they could. Once again we find cases of a concentration on a particular village resulting from one or two socially close ties. One household alone in the last two generations accounted for six marriages with Söksün (Fig. 2).