Ethnographics Gallery University of Kent

Turkish Village

Copyright 1965, 1994 Paul Stirling. All rights reserved.

Paul Stirling
CHAPTER ELEVEN

GROUPS, FEUDS AND POWER

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Page 264


] what land a household has been able to control, at any given point, has depended at least as much on the balance of village power as on recognised rights.

The village then is full of unresolved disputes. The strong are safe so long as they are strong. Now that violence is suppressed with ever increasing efficiency by the State, and straight filching or recovery of land by force is well-nigh impossible, most claims simply lie dormant. In the past disputes were settled by strength, either the relative strength of the contenders, or in some cases, the perhaps slightly less partial strength of the village leaders. Not, of course, that recognised rights had no moral weight. The ability to mobilise strength depends at least to some degree on public approval and acceptance. A reputation for impartiality and respect for others' rights is often one element in the strength of the leaders. But nevertheless the weak had no guarantee, and even nowadays strength and wealth carry their own moral justification, and usually have things their own way.

Order

The village as I have described it is a collection of households of different degrees of strength, wealth and prestige, living together in close intimacy, and with enough co-operation and mutual tolerance not only to survive, but to form a strong and stable community. Yet it lacks any effective formal structure of authority, and any undisputed informal leadership. In spite of the truculent independence of most respectable household heads, the existence of innumerable unsettled disputes and quarrels, and constant jockeying for influence and prestige between the leading households, the village leads an orderly life; people are constantly visiting, helping, advising, co-operating and intermarrying.

This calls to mind the paradox, `ordered anarchy' (Evans- Pritchard (1940) p. 181), applied to a very different society. The order in fact depends on diffuse or informal sanctions: reciprocity, self-help and public opinion. People can only enjoy the help, social intercourse and friendliness they need if they offer help, social intercourse and friendliness to others. They are tied to each other by all kinds of relationship; by agnatic, non-

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