THE women of Bamenda practise shifting cultivation but the length of time for which an area is worked and the rest period depend on the type of crops, the fertility of the soil, and the availability and accessibility of other land. In the village of Laikom in Kom many women leave ground to fallow after two years; in Kimbaw, where population is denser, large farms near the compounds may be utilized for five or six years, and kitchen gardens for even longer. While a certain amount of planting occurs in most seasons, it is towards the end of November and the beginning of December that a start is made with the clearing of extensive plots which will in March be sown with maize and which will inaugurate the new agricultural year. At this time the rulers or village heads in many tribes perform sacrifices to the gods of the earth and to the ancestors for the fertility of land and women, and for the general welfare of the people. In addition to these rites there are others associated with particular crops - maize, finger millet and guinea corn - which may be carried out by lineage heads or individual farmers prior to planting and again at harvest.

Throughout most of Bamenda there is an eight-day week, and short periods are reckoned in weeks or sometimes moons, though the latter are not named. There are terms for the dry season and the wet season, the Nsaw making further distinctions between the beginning of the dry season, its peak, the first rains, and so forth. In general, however, the cycle of agricultural activities itself constitutes a calendar for the dating of events. So a woman, who has died just before the planting, weeding or harvesting of a particular crop, is said "to run from the planting of corn;" or "from the weeding of millet" or "from the harvest of guinea corn", as the case may be.¹

By November, the uplands have paled to yellow or deepened to bronze and vermilion; the tall grasses make islands of the small fields of green guinea corn or the tawny stubble of maize. Fires, lit in the early morning or evening when it is cool, sweep across the slopes and hill tops, flare against the night sky, and illumine the country for miles around. They fulfil several purposes: in the first place, men and boys follow in their wake to hunt game; secondly, they facilitate the labour of clearing and form firebreaks around the highly combustible village huts; and, finally, they destroy undergrowth adjacent to the farms which would otherwise harbour the pests that ravage the crops. The annual burning of wide tracts of country is undoubtedly one of the causes of erosion, but it is difficult to see how any large-scale clearing could otherwise be carried out while the only tools are matchet and hoe. The alternative is the protection of farms by fencing, but the scarcity of timber makes this impracticable at present.

TOOLS

Farming implements are few and primitive. A woman's chief tool is her hoe (Pidgin-English, søfri, a contraction of shovel) which is 8 to 10 inches wide

¹ For instance, in Nsaw, a person may ask: "When did your child die ?", to which the reply may be: "millet was being eaten just before he died" This may provoke the query: "Then he ran away from millet porridge ?" (Wano kpu ghan ka ? Vee lo yi saar bo kpuun. Wuu beene nyinge fee kiban ke saar a?)

at the top, about 12 inches in length, the sides curving gradually to a point at the base. It is attached to a knee-jointed handle which, in most tribes, is some 20 to 24 inches long so that hoeing is something of a back-breaking task.¹ Men use a matchet for clearing or planting, and a small mattock for the weeding of raffia palm. European axes are treasured possessions, but not all men can afford to buy them. Besides her hoe, a woman invariably carries a small farm knife, bought for a halfpenny or a penny, and this, with a calabash, a bag or a basket, and a walking stick, constitutes her equipment for a day's work. For solace she may take her pipe, a few strands of tobacco, a flint or a little container for glowing charcoal. In Nsaw, Ndop, and Oku most women prefer bags woven from the bast of raffia palm, but at harvest the crops may be carried to the compound in cylindrical baskets.² At the time of sowing, women place their seed in a small basket, which holds about a pint and which is tied to the waist by a piece of string. In Zhoaw it rests like a little bustle on the buttocks, and to it is attached a long fringe which swishes provocatively as a woman walks! Finally, in the wet season, an umbrella is just as much an indispensable part of one's paraphernalia for a journey as it is at any time in England. The Nsaw type is a square convex cane article with a criss-cross of bars inside, so that it can be fitted on the head and thus leave the hands free. In Kom, and farther to the west, it is long and cowl-shaped to protect both head and back. A European umbrella is owned, as a rule, only by the wealthier and titled among the men, and some of the well-to-do prostitutes. In regard to the latter it has almost become the distinguishing mark of their profession for, as one man pointed out to me, "What husband would spend fifteen or twenty shillings on a European umbrella for his wife when he can procure a locally-made one for fourpence!"

The day begins early for most people in Bamenda. Soon after sunrise, if not before, the smoke from the hearth-fire seeps up through the thatch; water is put on to boil for the porridge; and maize is ground, or vegetables are peeled. In Ngie, however, the women leave at dawn for their farms and often there is no time to cook a morning meal. The family goes hungry or finishes the cold remnants of the supper taken the evening before. On the uplands where temperatures are low, the women go forth much later, saying in explantion that they must wait until the sun shines brightly and has some warmth in it. In general, it may be 8.30 a.m. or 9.30 a.m. before they saunter off in ones or twos. The men loiter in the compound, do a little desultory sweeping, gossip, complete their toilet, and go off to visit their friends. Small children scamper about, often burdened with babies not much younger than themselves. They go to the stream in groups to fill water-calabashes; they consume the midday meal which has been put aside for them; and eagerly await the return of their mothers in the late afternoon or at dusk. The women bring in roots, greens or plantains, as well as the inevitable bundle of kindling which is sufficient for only two meals. Everywhere on the uplands firewood is a problem and is regarded as one of the many "troubles of women" (ngeeeesi se viki). In Bali, Mbembe, Mfumte, and other tribes, many women have small huts at the farm and they only return to the village on market days, Sundays, if they are Christians, or at the slack season.

ORGANIZATION OF WORK TEAMS

While most agricultural activities are the concern of the women, the clearing of trees and heavy bush is undertaken by the men. For a large area they may

¹ In Zhoaw, and some of the other Fungom villages, hoe-handles are much longer and the women do not have to bend their backs to the same extent.

² The shape, size and workmanship of baskets vary considerably throughout the Province, but further details must be postponed for another report.

organize a working team (Pidgin-English - djanggi) consisting of the landholder, kin and friendly neighbours, and the task is accomplished in one or two days. In recompense the beneficiaries provide food and wine or beer. If the plot is a small one a husband or son may do the job alone. At the harvest of maize, finger millet, and guinea corn, the men lend a hand; but, in general, it may be said that their contribution, while important, makes few demands on their time, and it is doubtful whether they spend more than 10 days at the outside on such tasks throughout the whole year. Often it is left to the women to cut away the tall grasses and low undergrowth (with the exception perhaps of Mbem, Mbaw and Mbembe where the men engage in more farmwork). In extenuation of this lack of marital co-operativeness it should be pointed out that, from November to March on the uplands, most men cut and carry large bundles of thatching grass from the hill slopes, about a mile or so from the village. During the same period they also bring in heavy timber obtained from the areas which have been burned off recently. Thus one man in Kimbaw devoted 36 days from the 25th November to the 2nd February to cutting and transporting thatching grass; while another man spent 25 days, followed by another 17 days for the carrying of large firewood to the compound. Even lineage heads are busy at this time of the year, accumulating thatch for the repair or rebuilding of their own and their wives' huts.¹

Throughout the Province, sisters, or else a woman and her adolescent or married daughter, commonly work together for the more onerous or monotonous tasks. The companionship is prized as greatly as the assistance, in that labour is lightened by a little gossiping over the hoe, the small snack at midday, or an occasional pipe. Outside these family relationships, however, regular co-operation among women is rare in most of the Tikar tribes. From time to time a woman gives a helping hand to a friend in her own or a neighbouring compound, who is later expected, as the Nsaw say, "to return a hand" (siiri kiwo). But the number of days involved is small, probably no more than ten a year on an average.² There is, however, a quick response to illness and sympathy takes the practical form not only of visits, gifts of food, and firewood, but also of a day's work on the farm where preparation of beds, weeding or harvesting has fallen into arrears.³ For the cutting of finger millet a woman who has a large crop may "beg" labour and provide food and perhaps a little beer. When a bride comes to the compound all the women help her for the first day on her new farm, and are feasted by her husband. And, finally, there is the joint cultivation of the farm of a lineage head by his female kin, and women married to his male dependants. In short, in these areas most women, unless they have a sister living in the same village or daughters who have reached puberty, are thrown very much on their own resources. But, in Bamessi in the Ndop Plain, in Mbem, in some of the Fungom villages, in Bali, Aghem, and especially in the Widekum tribes, a group of women form a team which works on the farms of the members in turn.<sup>4

1</sup> In Mbembe, the men cut the grass, but the women help to carry it to the village.

² During a period of six months, when I kept the diaries of 30 women and girls, the average number of days devoted to assisting friends and affines was 4.7.

³ As might be expected, much depends on personality. A mean and querulous woman is not neglected, since a strong sense of moral duty to a relative and, indeed, pity for anyone in distress bring kin and neighbours to her side. But there is, nevertheless, a marked difference between such a response and that aroused by an afflicted woman who is kindly and generous. Visitors are more regular in attendance, and there are more volunteers for assistance on the farm.

⁴ As far as my inquiries went, the work team as a regular institution is absent in Esimbi and Meta. I did not visit Mogamaw and I found no reference to such an organization in the Government Reports. In Befang a woman occasionally assembles a group, but the practice would appear to be as spasmodic as it is in Nsaw.

In Bamessi a working-bee. is called a tzø and consists of women, who are of about the same age and who are kin or friendly neighbours. For the preparation of corn beds there may be ten or twelve individuals; for weeding only three or four. About a week's notice is given and, once a woman has received help on her own plot, she is under an obligation to fulfil a similar duty to others on pain of being reported to the Føn. The women usually work in pairs, sing, chat, and urge each other on. Towards the end of the afternoon a small repast is provided, which includes a little fish contributed by the husband. In Ngie a team (mbu) ranges in size from three to eight for farms adjacent to the village, but is larger for those in the bush.¹ As in Bamessi, it functions mainly for the making of beds for cocoyam and is not utilized to any extent for weeding. At harvest a woman either works alone or with the assistance of some female relative. Only a small quantity of food is brought, perhaps 3 lbs. of sweet potatoes, and a relish of greens, oil, salt and pepper for four women. The women hoe with zest, and often pointed out to me the saving in time and the pleasure of companionship. "We have joined to work because we are not strong. If we work together, we finish very quickly." On the other hand, the speed may be considered a disadvantage by the very elderly. As one woman in her fifties explained to me: "If I work alone (or with my sister or daughter) I can do so at my own pace. If I have made two beds and then my body is not strong, I may return to my house. The women in a mbu work quick, quick." Another alert old lady in Ngwo felt much the same, declaring that she could not keep up with the rest of the group. More rarely this attitude is adopted by young married women. There were two sisters in Teze, who cultivated together and who regarded a mbu as a waste of time, particularly if it had many members, for, in this case, it might be weeks before the plot of one person was tackled. Illness or heavy rains might cause further delay. In Ngwo I was told that the team would be smaller: one of four would spend one day on the farm of each of its members in turn; for the four following days each member would work on her plot alone; and then the mbu would resume its joint activities.

It is worth noting that regular co-operation is confined mainly to clearing and the final preparation of beds before planting: that is, to the work which is considered the heaviest and which must be done within the space of about two months. Weeding takes longer, but may be carried out at a more leisurely pace and is therefore left to the individual, apart from some assistance from a mother or sister. The distribution of the institutionalized working team in Bamenda does not appear to be associated with the occurrence of women's societies or the relative abundance or scarcity of good land, or the type of crop. In the Ndop Plain it is alleged to be spreading from Bamessi to other village areas, and there is much to be said for deliberate propaganda by schools, missions and other agencies, for its adoption elsewhere, particularly on the east and central uplands. Failing its adoption as an integral element in the organization of agricultural labour, at least more might be done to encourage the formation of working teams to assist women who are in an advanced stage of pregnancy. A feast, involving a small monetary outlay, would have to be provided and pressure might well be brought to bear on husbands to make this contribution. After all, under the traditional system, they assume responsibility for the cash expenses of the household and this further commitment demands only a little more effort in their own occupations; whereas an appeal to them to assist their wives on the farm would conflict with somewhat rigid ideas about the division of labour between the sexes. This is not to say that

¹ The same word is used in Ngwo; but in Beba the term is ishii; in Bentsan - ekwi'ake; in Koshin - tingala; in Fang - këngëra; in Fungom Village - andji'awo; in Zhoaw - tezam; in Aghem - zëm; in Bali - nsu; in Mfumte - junkap; and in Mbem - bofak.

attempts to modify such ideas should be abandoned; but, under present conditions, they are likely to encounter more resistance than the course I have suggested. Already, a number of Christians have shown themselves prepared to incur new expenses for the welfare of their wives and children in the matter of payment for services at the mission maternity centre, for medical facilities, schooling, and clothing. It is, I think, largely a matter of education and of convincing them that the health of a woman and her coming-child necessitates some lightening of her labours in the period of advanced pregnancy. And the same would, of course, apply to one who has suffered a long bout of illness and needs to take things easily during the convalescence. As for the women themselves, co-operation would be forthcoming if one may judge from the response on those occasions when appeals were made, with the promise of a feast and wine as recompense for assistance.¹

ROTATION OF CROPS

As I mentioned earlier, the women practise a system of rotational grass fallowing, the period varying from two to ten years depending on availability and accessibility of land, together with such personal factors as economic needs, age and health. In general, plots within a half to one mile radius of the compound are left for three or four years before cultivation is resumed. Good alluvial ground, suitable for maize and cocoyam, may be planted for four

¹ While I was in Kimbaw a girl, who had been appointed health visitor, decided to have a plot cleared and bedded up for her own use. She called upon the members of her own compound and neighbours for assistance and, in return (with some help from her own mother and father's sister) provided a feast in which beer, palmwine, groundnuts, kolas, egusi, and meat were important items. The response was excellent, the work was accomplished in one day, and the women returned in high spirits and with warm praise for the generous scale on which they had been wined and dined.