bacon and eggs to child or husband! During the time of plenty about 1.5 lbs. of maize grain may be consumed per person not to mention roasted cobs as an hors d'oeuvre or savoury! After April this quantity is reduced to 1/2 or 1 lb. per person in most households. For example, in July 1945, Julia of Kingaa Compound used only 3.5 lbs. of grain for herself, her husband and child for two meals. In May of the same year Elizabeth-Bika had sufficient stored to grind 7 lbs. of maize to feed a family of seven for one meal; two months later she used only 21 lbs. for the household, and had to eke this out with greens. The year 1945, however, was a very bad one and many men had to spend from ten to twenty shillings on staples from May to the end of July. In normal years expenditure would be considerably less in most families, though there are always a few women who have had a bad harvest, owing to a prolonged bout of illness which has thrown farm work in arrears, or owing to soil depletion in their larger plots.

In the last column of Table IX, I have estimated the approximate number of meals from each crop for a Kimbaw household of three persons. As it is customary whenever possible to take two meals a day, in addition to the child's snack at midday (1/2 to 1 lb.), and to cook extra quantities for guests on occasion, it is apparent that the amount of food actually available is insufficient to meet these modest requirements. It is still less adequate if it is remembered that some of the crops cannot be stored for long periods, and hence cannot be sparingly used over several months. By the end of February yams and rizga have been eaten; and from then, until about the end of May, the family relies on plantains, cocoyams, a few sweet potatoes, and diminished stores of grain. If maize and millet are in short supply the situation is serious. The following figures in Table X give some idea of the contents of the granaries of 21 women at the end of January 1948. I have excluded the amount set aside for seed.

TABLE X

In Table X, 5 out of the 21 women had no maize left at all, and among these 3 also lacked finger millet while the 2 others had only one kegati or less of that crop. Yirbongka was able to draw on her adult daughter's supplies and in any case her son, who was a storeboy in the U.A.C., would see that she

never went hungry. Camilla, an elderly widow, received some extra food from Elizabeth-Kila, her brother's wife; but Biy-Menggu and Margaret were in serious straits. Margaret's husband, a tailor, bought 12 bags of hulled maize between November and the 5th March (almost one a week) at a total cost of 23s. 8d.; and Tanye, husband of Biy, purchased between the 9th December and the 19th February 6 bags at a cost of 12s. 9d. As the next season's crop of maize would not be harvested until August at the earliest, the drain on the monetary resources of both men during the period of scarcity would be considerable.¹

Admittedly the plight of the two women, and one or two others included in the Table, was exceptional; but it should be clear from the preceding discussion and also from a survey of the budgets in the Appendix that there is little in the way of a surplus for sale even from the best of the farms in Nsaw. It is true that a considerable number of women are to be found engaged in petty trade in the Kimbaw market once a week, but many come from surrounding villages as much as 12 miles away; they do not sell regularly; and, in so far as they dispose of small quantities of root vegetables, beans, and greens, they do not earn more than one to four shillings a year. In the Ndop Plain and those Nsaw villages where two crops of maize are planted annually there is more of a surplus, but even so it is doubtful whether more than one or two bags of grain are disposed of in trade by the individual woman farmer each year. A possible source of income in the future may be increased production of tomatoes, cabbages, and onions. From Santa and Bali quantities of cabbages are exported to the coast at a good profit; while in Kimbaw one man made 8s. 8 1/2d from the sale of tomatoes, and £1-17-2 from onions during the year February 1947 to February 1948.

The contribution of the Nsaw woman and indeed that of the average Bamenda woman to the subsistence of the household is an important one and, in terms of its cash value, it may be as large as that made by a husband, who follows one of the traditional occupations such as small-scale trade in kola nuts, oil, sheep, goats, tobacco, or the manufacture of baskets, mats, bags, or caps. But, if a sense of proportion is to be maintained, it should be pointed out that most men do put in a few days' labour at clearing and harvest; secondly, that a great many assume responsibility for the cultivation of plantains, the yield of which may be worth anything from 7s. 6d. to £3-12-0 (see budgets in Appendix C); and, finally, that they are expected to buy food when necessary during the period of scarcity and even before that if maize and millet have failed. But this merely covers their contribution to the provision of staple foods for the household. In addition they must provide salt, oil, meat or fish, the two former representing a considerable cash outlay for people living on the uplands or in the plains. The extent to which men fulfil these duties adequately and indeed generously varies: it is not without significance that some of the Nsaw women when asked for a definition of a good husband specifically mentioned "one who buys salt and oil"!

THE FAMILY BUDGET
(a) Oil and Salt. In Kimbaw, and also the rest of Nsaw, if one may judge from statements made by women from different villages, the most parsimonious husband endeavours to buy at least 1/4 pint of palm oil at a cost of 2d. or 3d. each week. But even 1/2 pint allows of only two table-spoons a day for relish eaten with the staple food. Towards the end of the week the housewife is often reduced to the scrapings of the oil calabash, or she may from the first

¹ Needless to say, both women had taken steps to ensure a better harvest in 1948. Biy had obtained the loan of a plot from a distant maternal relative of her husband; and Margaret was lent about 1 acre, some 4 miles from the compound, by her friend Camilla who was elderly and no longer felt strong enough to make the long journey.

111

merely dab a stick into the calabash and smear the oil over the greens.¹ A man, then, with a small household spends at least 11s. a year on oil, and more if he can afford it. If he has five or six dependants and his cash earnings are £4 odd, the cost of oil is, at a minimum, 16s. It is significant that those with an income of £10 and upwards may spend 20s. a year; in the case of Benedict Somo it was 52s. (see Appendix C, No. 2).

Salt is another necessity but, while expensive, it is used in smaller quantities.² Some families make do with 5 ozs. a month and, according to their budgets, consumed about 2s. 6d. worth a year. Vincent Kwangha, with seven in his household, spent 5s. 10d.; Francis Lole, who earned about £20, spent 17s. 6d.

(b) Meat. Meat and fish are luxuries in most of Bamenda and rarely figure in the menu, unless game has been caught in the dry season, or the householder belongs to the higher income bracket and lives near a market village where beef is available. In general, women probably have less meat than their children and menfolk. In Nsaw goat-flesh is eaten by few women, and in most of the Western tribes there is a strong taboo on their eating, or even cooking, fowl. Most people catch a few bush rats (mbafsi) in the dry season, and throughout the year flavour their relish with various kinds of insects such as termites (ngosi), green beetles (meensingi), and crickets (vintshi).³ The poorest obtain their share of 4 or 5 ozs. of meat at feasts for housebuilding, marriage, and when the newly harvested finger millet is eaten for the first time. Christians, if they can possibly afford to do so, buy a little for Christmas; but so much beer and wine are consumed at that time that solid fare fills a subsidiary role in the belly! Indeed, to judge from an account which I received in Ngie, both Christians and pagans regard Christmas as an opportunity for a three-day binge. However: to return to more every-day menus. Some families may go two months without tasting meat or fish, especially during the rainy season, when a slender purse must be stretched to procure additional staple foods, as well as oil and salt. Thus Vincent Kwangha who, during the year 1947-1948 spent the sum of 6s. 7d. on beef, did not buy it regularly each week. From the 8th May to the 27th September he bought none at all. Some of the other men, whose budgets I recorded for a little over 5 months and who earned under £5 a year, spent sums varying from 6d. to 2s. 10d. Those earning £10 or more bought larger quantities of meat and fish: as much as £1-7-11 1/2 in the case of Francis Lole, and £3-13-0 in that of Benedict Somo. In other words, an increase in income is usually reflected in a marked increase in the expenditure on salt, oil, meat, and fish, not to mention additional condiments and relishes, such as egusi, okra, davadava (imported by Hausa), tomatoes, onions, and cabbages.

(c) Groundnuts, Tobacco, Beer, etc. It is a poor Nsaw father indeed who cannot afford a halfpenny for some groundnuts for his children; and often his wife spends her tiny profit in the purchase of these and other sweetmeats. Very few men buy kolas, since these are expensive; they rely instead on the hope of

¹ In the forest areas where there is oil palm, an Esimbi woman may use 3 pints of oil a week, and a Ngie woman 1 1/2 to 2 pints. On the uplands and plains the price varies considerably during the year, failing to a minimum of 8s. for 4 gallons in May and June, and rising to 17s. or 18s. in January and February. Butter is sold in some markets by Fulani women, but is expensive. Only one householder in my sample of 16 budgets bought a little.

² Very little potash is now made in Bamenda except in the outlying forest areas. Some is occasionally sold in Kimbaw market, but it is almost as dear as the European salt which is in any case preferred. However, women sometimes take the ash of certain woods, put it in a sieve, and pour water through it onto the food as a flavouring.

³ During the dry season the three daughters of Kengeran caught between them only 12 bush rats (mbafsi), and 9 tiny fish (boiy). I never saw frogs eaten in Nsaw, but was told that they are caught and dried in November, and used as a relish. Termites are available, particularly in May, September, and January, and are sometimes fried, for sale in the market.

picking up windfalls, or of receiving some from friends or relatives. Lineage heads who own most of the trees sell the large nuts, but distribute the smaller ones from time to time among guests and dependants, who in turn share their gift with others. This wide-spread re-distribution of nuts among all sections of the population has not, perhaps, been sufficiently stressed in considering the monopoly enjoyed by lineage heads. Tobacco is another commodity which is rarely bought, except by inveterate smokers among the men and women. Vincent Kwangha spent 1s. 1d. during the year, Nicholas Ngee as much as 3s. 3d. The woman, Vindjan, who made 3s. 2d. from the sale of plantains, sugar cane, and pears during a period of 5 months, bought 4s.5d. worth, in addition to what she received from friends. Tobacco does not grow well in Kimbaw, but in other villages most farmers have small plots devoted to the crop. Beer is made occasionally for household consumption during the dry-season, but most of it is for sale in the market place, or in the hut by the main road, which serves as a miniature pub for the younger married men with a copper or so to spare.

It may be said that a man with a wife and one or two children spends, on an average at least 11s. a year on oil; 2s. 6d. on salt; 3s. on meat; 1s. on groundnuts; and, in the time of scarcity, 7s. 6d. on staple foods such as maize, plantains, and root vegetables - a total all-told of 25s. In so far as he also assumes responsibility for the care of plantain groves, which yield at least 15s. worth of fruit, his contribution to the food supplies of the household is some £2 in a good harvest year, and at least £3 in a bad year, when his wife's maize and millet crop are inadequate.

(d) Farm and House Replacements. As far as the purchase of seed is concerned, most Nsaw women either buy, or ask their husbands to buy, about twopence worth of cowpea-seed in October, and the same amount again in March for sowing with maize. More rarely seed-yams are bought if the previous season's crop has been poor or diseased.¹ The cost of replacing household utensils and farm tools is more difficult to estimate, since there is considerable variation even in the requirements of a single family from year to year. The Nsaw housewife needs a number of pots of different sizes and shapes: about half a dozen relish bowls (lang) at 1d. or 1/2d. each; large pots (king) for cooking maize porridge or root vegetables; a large shallow dish (kikang) for frying maize before it is pounded; and a smaller, though similar type, for boiling water for washing (ntøng). With care these may last two or three years but the best of bowls may crack or be dropped! Approximately one shilling a year may be spent on these articles over a long period. Calabashes for food, and also for oil, water, and beer, are almost as fragile and must be bought where supplies from the farm are inadequate. On the basis of my budgets, I have estimated an outlay of 6d. for these and the same amount for replacement of baskets. Most Nsaw women buy one woven farm-bag (costing 7d. to 9d.) each year, a small knife (1d.), and a razor blade. Other articles such as sleeping mats, mats for drying cowpea-leaves and millet, hoes, hoe-handles, umbrellas, stools, cutlasses, and raffia store bins are bought every two or three years. All told, about 8s. a year is spent on tools and utensils for house and farm but in some years the amount is less, in others more. Very few Nsaw have European articles, though they often covet them for their superior workmanship, durability, and also for reasons of prestige. In the houses of the "well-to-do", one most commonly finds garden seats, enamel food-bowls, basins, spoons, mugs, tumblers and, more occasionally, coffee or tea-pots for serving palm wine! Empty bottles, cigarette tins, and kerosene tins are in great demand as containers, and a steward or houseboy makes a little on the side by selling

¹ Some Nsaw men are beginning to buy coffee-seedlings but do not do so annually. In Ngie, in the west of the Province, many women buy a few cobs of maize in April as seed for planting, or barter a little oil for them.

those discarded by his European master, unless the latter happens to be an anthropologist who gives them away as 'dashes' to friends in the village!

House repairs usually involve no cash outlay, since a man cuts thatching grass during the dry season and sets aside 5 or 10 bundles for that purpose. A Nsaw house lasts at least 10 years, so that the cost entailed in the construction of a new one, when spread over such a long period, is negligible. About 700 to 800 raffia poles are required for walls, ceiling and roof, but these are accumulated gradually over two years and are "begged" from friends and kinsmen. Their cash value is about 25s. Some 35 bundles of thatching grass are needed for the roof which, if purchased, would cost 10s. or 11s. The house owner normally pegs together the framework himself and, for the erection of walls, may count on the assistance of members of his compound. The mudding of the house is carried out by a team of 15 to 20 adult men, plus about the same number of boys and girls who perform odd tasks and bring water. The work is completed in a morning and capped by a feast of beef or goat, seasoned with 1/4 lb. salt and 1/2 pint of oil; maize porridge and root vegetables prepared by women relatives; and, finally, 2 or 3 calabashes of palm wine. The cash outlay is in the vicinity of 10s. If the owner is not skilled in thatching, experts are called in and are given food, wine, and 3s. for three days' labour. When one or two members of the compound assist they are given palm wine. Nowadays, if a contractor is called upon to provide all building materials and labour, the cost of a small house may be in the vicinity of £3, an estimate which also corresponds to that given me by men in Ndop and Ngie. A sun-dried mud brick house of somewhat larger dimensions, with plank doors and window frames, costs at least £7.¹

(c) Gifts to Affines. The Nsaw man is apt to grumble about the gifts which he must make to his wife's kin each year; but, if he is fair-minded, he will generally admit that the demands made upon him bear some relation to the size of his family and his income. The newly married man is expected to be lavish, but, if his earnings remain small and he has many children, he is not pressed unduly by his affines. His father-in-law and the head of his wife's lineage may ask him to provide wine, fowls, oil, or salt when a house is to be built, or some such ceremony as a marriage takes place; and his mother-in-law, when visiting, must be treated as an honoured guest and given a parting gift of oil, salt, and perhaps a little meat. But if expenses have been heavy for one year, the considerate man lets his son-in-law "rest" the following year, unless some untoward event such as a death occurs. Often commitments may be met from household-supplies, so that they do not entail an immediate cash outlay, though they represent a loss of potential income. Most men keep a few fowls, while many lineage heads have at least four or five sheep or goats, some of which they sell in the market. They must, however, always keep some in reserve, not only for affines but also for sacrifices carried out on behalf of male and female members of the lineage, - a fact which is not always allowed for in estimating the annual income of such individuals. Again, polygamy is a privilege which must be paid for, as the example given below will illustrate. A Councillor whom I knew kept a record of his expenditure over a long period. In 1947 he gave 3 kerosene tins of palm oil (51s.) to the kin of a new wife; 2 tins (35s.) to those of a wife who had just borne him a child; and cloth to the value of 25s. to the father of another. The lineage head of a fourth wife had died and, as no successor had been appointed immediately, expenses were light; but the mother-in-law paid a visit and was given 2s. and a fowl. The Councillor had also been betrothed since 1939 to the daughter of the Fon-

¹ According to a rough estimate which I made a house, which is 33 ft. x 15 ft. x 9 ft., requires a little over 7,000 bricks. Many men are beginning to make their own bricks and turn out about 50 a day. In 1948, a hundred bricks cost one shilling.

Nkor. In 1948 she still had not reached puberty, and so the marriage had not been consummated; but, from time to time, she had stayed for several months in her fiancé's compound under the guardianship of his senior wife, and each time her kin came to conduct her back to her own village they had to be rewarded lavishly. For example, in 1947 a Ya of Nkor who was in the party was given 10s. in cash, and a cloth worth 8s.; the fiancée's brother was presented with 3s.; a sister got 3 yards of cloth, costing 9s.; and 9 wives of the Fon-Nkor each received a fourpenny cooking pot and a shilling in cash. Between 1939 and the beginning of 1947 the Councillor had, in addition, made a series of gifts in goats, oil, cloth, fowls, and cash to the Føn which amounted to some £22.¹

These figures are of course astronomical, compared with those in the budget of the average Nsaw man. Thus Vincent Kwangha, whose cash income was about £4-10-0, gave gifts to the value of 6s. 8d. during the year 1947-1948; but it is noteworthy that he received cloth and goods to the value of 7s. 5d. for his family from his mother-in-law. Two other men, whose income was about the same as Vincent's, gave over a period of five months to their respective affinal relatives 3s. worth of goods in one case, and 10s. in the other. The second amount included expenditure on goats and fowls for sacrifices, carried out on behalf of a pregnant wife by the head of her lineage. The demands on this individual's income were thus heavy, and not representative of his normal commitments. Men who earn some £10 a year may give 10s. to 15s. to affines, while those earning £20 or more may distribute anything from £1 to £4. Thus Benedict Somo spent £3-19-8 in one year; but, it should be stressed, he also received from his wife's kin £1-5-0 in cash, as well as clothes and other articles for the use of his family. Clearly, it is difficult to strike an average, but in the low income group marriage gifts probably amount to from 5s. to 7s. a year; and, in the higher income group (£20 and more), about £2.

(d) Miscellaneous. Income tax is not levied on earnings below £24 a year, so that most men only have to pay the poll tax of from 5s. to 8s. In addition, a man requires a loin cloth for himself, and a small strip of baft as a pubic covering for his wife, - these items costing about 12s. a year. If both he and his wife are Christians his expenses are heavier, since she will need some sort of wrap for every-day wear, as well as a dress and headtie for Sunday and other festive occasions. If income is small it may take him two years to accumulate the money necessary. Francis Lole, during 1947-1948, spent 16s. on cloth for his wife; while Alphonse Fannso spent 21s. 6d. on dresses for his wife and daughter at Christmas, and Nicholas Ngee, a tailor, used 31s. 6d. worth of cloth for his. Somo, who had a larger income than these men, devoted £3-1-2 to the purchase of clothes and shoes for his wife, Christina, in addition to the amount expended on clothing for himself and his sons (see App. C., No. 2). Roman Catholics must also pay a monthly contribution to the Mission, 6d. in the case of men, and 3d. for women. If they are short of cash they may do a week's work at the mission instead, but not all are able to spare the time. Finally, most men, be they Christian or pagan, endeavour nowadays to provide education for at least one of their sons. Fees in the Infant's Grade are low - some 6s. a year-, but to these must be added the cost of writing materials and clothing.

¹ Soon after 1939 the Fon-Nkor died, and the Councillor sent 5 goats for the mourning ceremonies in addition to the 3 goats, which he handed over to some of the late Føn's kin when they visited Kimbaw. When a new Føn was appointed, he sent cloth worth 25s., a European chair (18s.) and gunpowder (10s.). Later the Føn married a Nsungli woman and the Councillor contributed 2 goats (£l) to the marriage payment. On another occasion the Føn struck his foot against a stone and the Councillor, who was present when the accident occurred, gave a goat worth 12s. to express his regret, and to assist in restoring the dignity of the stricken Føn! It is worth noting that the Councillor, in giving a list of his expenses, usually mentioned the circumstances in which they had been incurred.

In the preceding discussion I have attempted, on the basis of my observations, budget records, and statements made by individuals, to estimate the minimum expenditure incurred by a Nsaw man with a wife and one or two small children. It totals about £3-6-0, if 25s. is allowed for food (staples, salt, oil, meat, groundnuts, etc.); 8s. for house and farm replacements, 6s. for gifts to affines; 5s. for tax; 12s. for clothes; and 10s. for incidental expenses. If the family is a Christian one, the purchase of clothes for womenfolk brings the budget to about £4. School fees for one child raise it another 10s.

In comparison with estimates given for some regions of Nigeria, the minimum expenditure may seem high,¹ or even in relation to my estimate for Esimbi (infra, Ch.II, pp. 25-26). But it should be pointed out that in the forest areas of Bamenda a man saves at least 11s. on oil; he frequently uses potash instead of European salt; he catches more fish and game; and, finally, he does not need to buy most household utensils, since if neither he nor his wife is skilled in manufacture she may obtain them by bartering food or oil. In Nsaw, on the other hand, my estimate of expenditure still leaves the household very short of oil, salt, and meat; and it would not permit of much margin for the purchase of firewood, extra quantities of staples after a very bad harvest, and European household articles and ornaments. The 10s. allowed for incidental expenses are required for soap, matches, medicine, hospital fees, club-fees, contributions to ceremonies, and so forth. The figure which I have calculated for the average minimum expenditure of a small pagan family would, I think, be typical of most of the Tikar tribes of the uplands and plains, with the possible exception of some villages in Fungom and Bum. In some areas, foodstuffs may be more plentiful than in Nsaw during the period of scarcity, and palm oil may be cheaper; but against the saving on these items must be placed the marriage payment which, even if spread over a number of years, probably amounts to more than the total value of marriage gifts handed over to affines during the lifetime of a wife in Nsaw.²

In the foregoing discussion I have mentioned only in passing the plight of polygynists. I say plight, because their commitments remain relatively heavy and their income small until their own daughters, and those of male dependants, reach marriageable age. Their wives produce enough food to feed themselves and their children, but not sufficient, as a rule, for sale so that their agricultural activities are not a source of cash income to their joint-husband. He, on his side, if he has three or four wives must spend at least £2 a year on oil, and 25s. on salt, in addition to about £1 on house and farm tools and utensils. Cloth for himself and his sons costs about £2, house repairs entail an outlay of some 10s., and gifts to affines another £3 at least. If he is a fai or she, he normally has kola trees and raffia bush, but he is expected to dispense nuts and wine on a lavish scale, and to assist his dependants with raffia poles when these are required for house-building. Finally, as the intermediary between the living and the ancestors, he must from time to time sacrifice fowls, sheep and goats. From his own sons-in-law, and those of his male dependants, he receives gifts in kind, but often these are an immediate contribution to ceremonies, in which he himself incurs the major expense; while others again, such as salt and oil, are distributed among his wives and children. He thus requires a cash income of at least £10 a year.

¹ Professor Forde has estimated that, among the Yako of the Cross River in Nigeria. a small Umor household has to meet a basic cash outlay of from 50s. to 60s. a year. Vide, D. Forde and R. Scott, The Native Economies of Nigeria, 1946, pp. 61-62.

² It is true that in most tribes a man is assisted by his father or his lineage head in the marriage payment; but, during his adolescence, he has himself handed over his trade earnings to one of these men; and, once his own sons reach puberty, he is expected to assist them in securing wives. A man also incurs expenses in providing a feast and gifts for his wife's kin when she bears him a child.