Ethnographics Gallery University of Kent

Turkish Village

Copyright 1965, 1994 Paul Stirling. All rights reserved.

Paul Stirling
CHAPTER SIX

HOUSEHOLD AND FAMILY STRUCTURE

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Change of this kind does not of course imply an impermanent social order. The role of father is the same regardless of changes in the holders of the role; and in so far as young and old fathers or rich and poor fathers behave and are expected to behave differently, these differences are also a permanent part of the social order. Nevertheless any general description of, say, father-son relationships or mother-daughter-in-law is inadequate, because it cannot allow for all the special cases that from time to time arise. And there is a further source of error. Though roles are relatively permanent, the overall structure of the society is changing, and the observer may well confuse in a single description customary behaviours which are on their way out and customary behaviours which are on their way in.

These difficulties are increased in the case of Turkish villages by the high wall which quite literally surrounds every household. Unrelated men do not enter the households of other families, private personal feelings are not publicly discussed, sex and anything to do with it is taboo in many social contexts, and this flavour of impropriety, as in many western contexts, makes straightforward information difficult to obtain. In only a limited number of households were we able to observe closely the way people treated each other, and even then our very presence had clearly some effect on the situation. Moreover, some interesting and important types of relationship - those between women of the same generation marrying into the same household, for example - only occur in a small number of households at any one time, so that few cases are available for observation.

Although the quality alters, family and kinship relationships continue for life. But people constantly leave their households and join or set up new ones, and any discussion of the close kin relationships automatically leads one out of a single household. Brothers, for example, begin as children in their father's house, but end as heads of neighbouring households in their own right. At the cost of some overlap with the discussion of kinship (Chapter 8), I shall follow this lead when it is appropriate to do so. Very rarely a household may contain non-kin servants, but I knew none among my acquaintances and ignore these cases in my discussion.

Mathematically, the number of possible pairs of kin relation

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